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Titus King of Saline, MI asks:How did the Harlem Renaissance affect the politics of the decades leading up to the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s?  Professor Richard Powell responds: The Harlem Renaissance affected U.S. political culture well into the 1960s and into the Civil Rights movement in two very different ways. One of the interesting ways that it helped shape future civil rights activities resides in its integrationist overtures and early calls for interracial cooperation. One could argue that the Harlem Renaissance of the 1920s and 1930s was one of the first instances in the 20th century when whites -- albeit white elites and white social reform types -- collaborated with black intellectuals, social activists, educators, and artists in attempts to transform a largely segregated and racist American society. Although one can certainly find all sorts of instances during the Harlem Renaissance when the same old racial paradigms of the past emerged, it was also a moment of unprecedented "border crossing" and collaboration. I'm thinking about the "coming-together-for-the-common-good" of blacks and whites like Franz Boas, Max Eastman, Zora Neale Hurston, Charles S. Johnson, Alain Locke, Claude McKay, H.L. Mencken, Eugene O'Neill, Robert E. Parks, and Paul Robeson, just to name a few. I can't help but think that the Harlem Renaissance, with its ideological invitations to interracial problem solving, had long lasting repercussions on American race relations well into mid-century and later. Another way that the Harlem Renaissance affected political life during the 1950s and 1960s has to do with its early explorations of black nationalism. From the "back to Africa" ideas of the Jamaican (but based in Harlem) political activist Marcus Garvey, to the encroaching sense of social and economic isolation that black communities (like New York's Harlem and Chicago's Southside) felt during the Depression era and later, the sense that African Americans saw themselves forming a politically and culturally distinct segment of the U.S. population was forged during this period and continually honed and shaped by sociologists, political scientists, historians, etc, in subsequent years. Professor Jeffrey Stewart responds: The Harlem Renaissance did have an effect on the decades leading up to the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. Many of the intellectuals, creative writers, and artists of the Harlem Renaissance saw as one of the purposes of the black arts movement the creation of more positive images of African Americans than had generally existed in American culture before the 1920s. From Alain Locke, the editor of The New Negro, an anthology of Black writing, to Charles S. Johnson, the editor of Opportunity Magazine, the journal of the National Urban League, to W.E.B. Du Bois, the editor of The Crisis, the journal of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, all of them believed that the emergence of a critical mass of Black writers would lead to the creation of a greater variety of images of African American peoples in the media than existed when only European Americans were the authors of plays, poems, novels, and art on the Negro theme in America.  Indeed, Du Bois inaugurated a forum of discussion in the Crisis magazine, entitled, "How Should the Negro Be Portrayed?" in which he asked artists to write in and discuss what kinds of images of Black people ought to be disseminated by artists in America. While there was a wide divergence on how much control should be imposed on what images artists should create, most believed that out of the greater access to the publishing and art world would come an abandonment of the racist imagery that predominated in popular American culture and justified, by dehumanizing Black people, the racist social and political practices that also abounded in America in the 1920s and 1930s. Du Bois even coined the phrase, "all art is propaganda" to reflect his view that the purpose of an art movement among African Americans was to combat the negative propaganda against the Negro coming from racist America with a positive propaganda for the Negro. One way of looking at it is that the Harlem Renaissance attacked the superstructure of White supremacy while legal and political activists in the 1930s and 1940s began to attack the daily practice of racism through the courts and demonstrations. For example, the Harlem Renaissance is generally credited with heightening awareness of the cultural contributions that African and African American peoples have made to American culture, specifically in music, dance, poetry, and speech, as well as in agriculture, medicine, and inventions (see my 1001 Things Everyone Should Know About African American History for more on this).  Here the idea was that (1) racism in America would be undermined not only through protest against racist practices, but also by changing the prevailing images and associations that European Americans, especially educated European Americans, had about Black people. And then (2) by disseminating positive images of African Americans as contributors to American Culture, many of these Harlem Renaissance intellectuals hoped to raise the self-esteem of Black people themselves. A people with a higher self-esteem would be more resistant to segregation and discrimination, and more willing to challenge the system than those who were demoralized. Professor William Drummond responds: Today I interviewed Jacob Lawrence, the country's most celebrated African-American painter and a man who lived through the Harlem Renaissance, for a piece I'm doing for National Public Radio.  Based on his answers and my own research into the issues, I'll try to respond to the queries. The major political theme of the Harlem Renaissance was the rebirth of a people, the creation of the New Negro.  Mr. Lawrence talked in particular of the influence on him of the followers of Marcus Garvey.  He also spoke of the influence of figures such as W.E.B. Du Bois and Adam Clayton Powell Jr.  Clearly, the political ferment of Harlem influenced the black civil rights lawyers, such as Thurgood Marshall, the labor unionists, such as Asa Philip Randolph, and the young college students from North Carolina A & T who began the freedom rides and the sit-ins in the 1960s.

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